Cults & Society
 Department: Group Report
__________________________________________________
Featured Group Report

Hare Krishna: child abuse
  
 
   
 
     

4/22

Child Abuse in the Hare Krishna Movement:1971-1986

E. Burke Rochford, Jr. with Jennifer Heinlein  

[continued]

Apart from encouraging and justifying corporal punishment, religious ideas have also been used by parents and religious institutions alike to ‘cause emotional pain’ by tormenting children through the excessive use of shame and fear (Capps 1992:7 9).  The latter researcher concludes that ‘religious ideas might be as abusive as physical punishment for children’ (1992:8).7

When the average person reflects on child abuse and religion today he or she is likely to identify sexual misconduct by religious officials, particularly on the part of Catholic priests (Berry 1992; Jenkins 1996, 1998).  This is largely because sexual misconduct by Catholic priests has received widespread media coverage in the USA and world-wide (for a review, see Jenkins 1996:53 76, 1998). Yet, child sexual abuse by clergy is hardly limited to Catholicism (Isely and Isely 1990).  The most often quoted survey dealing with sexual problems among Protestant clergy found that 10 percent were involved in sexual misconduct of one sort or another, and that ‘about two to three percent’ were paedophiles (Rediger 1990:55, quoted in Jenkins 1996).  This rate is equal to or perhaps even slightly higher than for Catholic priests (Jenkins 1996:50).8    

While the sexual abuse of children is troubling, it becomes doubly so when religious figures are involved.  After all, clergy are viewed in most religious traditions as God's ordained representatives, this comprising the very basis of their religious authority.  In cases of clergy sexual abuse, religious authority is directly or indirectly used to exploit children, and to cover it up.  Clergy who sexually abuse children are often able to escape disclosure, because their status as religious figures shields them from accusations of abuse (Barry 1992; Bottoms et al. 1995).  Allegations made by a child concerning clergy sexual misconduct are likely to be ignored, or dismissed as fabrication by parents and other adults (see for example, Barry 1992).  Clergy sexual abuse of children, in significant respects, parallels familial incest because it is ‘often characterised by the same guilt, betrayal of trust, and shame . . .’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:90; also see Blanchard 1991:239 240).  It is thus hardly surprising to find allegations of clergy sexual misconduct being made by adults victimised as children. 

As one might expect, sexual abuse by religious authorities is especially damaging to victims.  One study concluded that abuse by religious authorities ‘is as psychologically damaging, and perhaps more damaging, than even the violently physical abuses of parents whose religious beliefs led them to view their children as evil incarnate’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:100). Children molested by religious authorities often suffer from depression, suicidal ideation and affective disorders (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Moreover, it is not uncommon for those sexually abused by clergy to change religions, or more likely still, to repudiate religion altogether (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Such an outcome appears even more likely when clergy sexual misconduct is hidden or otherwise covered-up by the church hierarchy.9      

1/22 < > 22/22

______________________________________________ ^
 

Cults & Society
 Department: Group Report
__________________________________________________
Featured Group Report

Hare Krishna: child abuse
  
 
   
 
     

4/22

Child Abuse in the Hare Krishna Movement:1971-1986

E. Burke Rochford, Jr. with Jennifer Heinlein  

[continued]

Apart from encouraging and justifying corporal punishment, religious ideas have also been used by parents and religious institutions alike to ‘cause emotional pain’ by tormenting children through the excessive use of shame and fear (Capps 1992:7 9).  The latter researcher concludes that ‘religious ideas might be as abusive as physical punishment for children’ (1992:8).7

When the average person reflects on child abuse and religion today he or she is likely to identify sexual misconduct by religious officials, particularly on the part of Catholic priests (Berry 1992; Jenkins 1996, 1998).  This is largely because sexual misconduct by Catholic priests has received widespread media coverage in the USA and world-wide (for a review, see Jenkins 1996:53 76, 1998). Yet, child sexual abuse by clergy is hardly limited to Catholicism (Isely and Isely 1990).  The most often quoted survey dealing with sexual problems among Protestant clergy found that 10 percent were involved in sexual misconduct of one sort or another, and that ‘about two to three percent’ were paedophiles (Rediger 1990:55, quoted in Jenkins 1996).  This rate is equal to or perhaps even slightly higher than for Catholic priests (Jenkins 1996:50).8    

While the sexual abuse of children is troubling, it becomes doubly so when religious figures are involved.  After all, clergy are viewed in most religious traditions as God's ordained representatives, this comprising the very basis of their religious authority.  In cases of clergy sexual abuse, religious authority is directly or indirectly used to exploit children, and to cover it up.  Clergy who sexually abuse children are often able to escape disclosure, because their status as religious figures shields them from accusations of abuse (Barry 1992; Bottoms et al. 1995).  Allegations made by a child concerning clergy sexual misconduct are likely to be ignored, or dismissed as fabrication by parents and other adults (see for example, Barry 1992).  Clergy sexual abuse of children, in significant respects, parallels familial incest because it is ‘often characterised by the same guilt, betrayal of trust, and shame . . .’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:90; also see Blanchard 1991:239 240).  It is thus hardly surprising to find allegations of clergy sexual misconduct being made by adults victimised as children. 

As one might expect, sexual abuse by religious authorities is especially damaging to victims.  One study concluded that abuse by religious authorities ‘is as psychologically damaging, and perhaps more damaging, than even the violently physical abuses of parents whose religious beliefs led them to view their children as evil incarnate’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:100). Children molested by religious authorities often suffer from depression, suicidal ideation and affective disorders (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Moreover, it is not uncommon for those sexually abused by clergy to change religions, or more likely still, to repudiate religion altogether (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Such an outcome appears even more likely when clergy sexual misconduct is hidden or otherwise covered-up by the church hierarchy.9      

1/22 < > 22/22

______________________________________________ ^
 

Cults & Society
 Department: Group Report
__________________________________________________
Featured Group Report

Hare Krishna: child abuse
  
 
   
 
     

4/22

Child Abuse in the Hare Krishna Movement:1971-1986

E. Burke Rochford, Jr. with Jennifer Heinlein  

[continued]

Apart from encouraging and justifying corporal punishment, religious ideas have also been used by parents and religious institutions alike to ‘cause emotional pain’ by tormenting children through the excessive use of shame and fear (Capps 1992:7 9).  The latter researcher concludes that ‘religious ideas might be as abusive as physical punishment for children’ (1992:8).7

When the average person reflects on child abuse and religion today he or she is likely to identify sexual misconduct by religious officials, particularly on the part of Catholic priests (Berry 1992; Jenkins 1996, 1998).  This is largely because sexual misconduct by Catholic priests has received widespread media coverage in the USA and world-wide (for a review, see Jenkins 1996:53 76, 1998). Yet, child sexual abuse by clergy is hardly limited to Catholicism (Isely and Isely 1990).  The most often quoted survey dealing with sexual problems among Protestant clergy found that 10 percent were involved in sexual misconduct of one sort or another, and that ‘about two to three percent’ were paedophiles (Rediger 1990:55, quoted in Jenkins 1996).  This rate is equal to or perhaps even slightly higher than for Catholic priests (Jenkins 1996:50).8    

While the sexual abuse of children is troubling, it becomes doubly so when religious figures are involved.  After all, clergy are viewed in most religious traditions as God's ordained representatives, this comprising the very basis of their religious authority.  In cases of clergy sexual abuse, religious authority is directly or indirectly used to exploit children, and to cover it up.  Clergy who sexually abuse children are often able to escape disclosure, because their status as religious figures shields them from accusations of abuse (Barry 1992; Bottoms et al. 1995).  Allegations made by a child concerning clergy sexual misconduct are likely to be ignored, or dismissed as fabrication by parents and other adults (see for example, Barry 1992).  Clergy sexual abuse of children, in significant respects, parallels familial incest because it is ‘often characterised by the same guilt, betrayal of trust, and shame . . .’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:90; also see Blanchard 1991:239 240).  It is thus hardly surprising to find allegations of clergy sexual misconduct being made by adults victimised as children. 

As one might expect, sexual abuse by religious authorities is especially damaging to victims.  One study concluded that abuse by religious authorities ‘is as psychologically damaging, and perhaps more damaging, than even the violently physical abuses of parents whose religious beliefs led them to view their children as evil incarnate’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:100). Children molested by religious authorities often suffer from depression, suicidal ideation and affective disorders (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Moreover, it is not uncommon for those sexually abused by clergy to change religions, or more likely still, to repudiate religion altogether (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Such an outcome appears even more likely when clergy sexual misconduct is hidden or otherwise covered-up by the church hierarchy.9      

1/22 < > 22/22

______________________________________________ ^
 

Cults & Society
 Department: Group Report
__________________________________________________
Featured Group Report

Hare Krishna: child abuse
  
 
   
 
     

4/22

Child Abuse in the Hare Krishna Movement:1971-1986

E. Burke Rochford, Jr. with Jennifer Heinlein  

[continued]

Apart from encouraging and justifying corporal punishment, religious ideas have also been used by parents and religious institutions alike to ‘cause emotional pain’ by tormenting children through the excessive use of shame and fear (Capps 1992:7 9).  The latter researcher concludes that ‘religious ideas might be as abusive as physical punishment for children’ (1992:8).7

When the average person reflects on child abuse and religion today he or she is likely to identify sexual misconduct by religious officials, particularly on the part of Catholic priests (Berry 1992; Jenkins 1996, 1998).  This is largely because sexual misconduct by Catholic priests has received widespread media coverage in the USA and world-wide (for a review, see Jenkins 1996:53 76, 1998). Yet, child sexual abuse by clergy is hardly limited to Catholicism (Isely and Isely 1990).  The most often quoted survey dealing with sexual problems among Protestant clergy found that 10 percent were involved in sexual misconduct of one sort or another, and that ‘about two to three percent’ were paedophiles (Rediger 1990:55, quoted in Jenkins 1996).  This rate is equal to or perhaps even slightly higher than for Catholic priests (Jenkins 1996:50).8    

While the sexual abuse of children is troubling, it becomes doubly so when religious figures are involved.  After all, clergy are viewed in most religious traditions as God's ordained representatives, this comprising the very basis of their religious authority.  In cases of clergy sexual abuse, religious authority is directly or indirectly used to exploit children, and to cover it up.  Clergy who sexually abuse children are often able to escape disclosure, because their status as religious figures shields them from accusations of abuse (Barry 1992; Bottoms et al. 1995).  Allegations made by a child concerning clergy sexual misconduct are likely to be ignored, or dismissed as fabrication by parents and other adults (see for example, Barry 1992).  Clergy sexual abuse of children, in significant respects, parallels familial incest because it is ‘often characterised by the same guilt, betrayal of trust, and shame . . .’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:90; also see Blanchard 1991:239 240).  It is thus hardly surprising to find allegations of clergy sexual misconduct being made by adults victimised as children. 

As one might expect, sexual abuse by religious authorities is especially damaging to victims.  One study concluded that abuse by religious authorities ‘is as psychologically damaging, and perhaps more damaging, than even the violently physical abuses of parents whose religious beliefs led them to view their children as evil incarnate’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:100). Children molested by religious authorities often suffer from depression, suicidal ideation and affective disorders (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Moreover, it is not uncommon for those sexually abused by clergy to change religions, or more likely still, to repudiate religion altogether (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).  Such an outcome appears even more likely when clergy sexual misconduct is hidden or otherwise covered-up by the church hierarchy.9      

1/22 < > 22/22

______________________________________________ ^